Haiti and Dependency Theory

While discussing Thussu’s “Approaches to Theorizing International Communication”, someone in class asked for a real-life, concrete example of the theories he covered. I too was curious, and then I realized there was an example right in our backyard, in the Caribbean country of Haiti. Haiti has deep-rooted political, economical, and developmental issues that I will briefly examine through the lens of dependency theory, cultural imperialism, and structural imperialism.

Central to dependency theory is the idea that transnational corporations in the North control every aspect of global markets, strengthening the dominance of developed nations and contributing to the growing inequality between the North and the South; Thussu refers to this as a “neocolonial relationship”.  Haiti’s long history of poverty, political instability, developmental challenges, and dependency on countries of the North can be traced back to when it was under the colonial ruling of France. After gaining its independence from France over 200 years ago, it became dependent on the US; today, it still relies heavily on foreign aid. Cultural aspects of dependency theory lead us to Herbert Schiller’s cultural imperialism and the flow of western content to the developing world. “Commercial interests, highly influenced by Western military and political interests, of transnational corporations undermine the cultural autonomy of the South and created dependency on communication and media in developing countries.” Haiti has a staggeringly high percentage of imported goods from foreign countries, especially from the US, which prevent domestic markets, and self-sustenance, from ever maturing.  Many of these imports, by extension, promote a “foreign” lifestyle, which Schiller would argue undermines the country’s traditional values. What would happen to Haiti if economic ties between those foreign nations were severed?

One critique of cultural imperialism is its lack of consideration for the role of national elites in maintaining the “development of underdevelopment”.  Norwegian sociologist Johan Galtung proposed structural imperialism as a response. Political and economic domination is structured so that “there exists in the countries of the South a dominant elite whose interests coincide with the interests of the elite in the developed world. This 'core' not only provides a bridgehead by which the centre nation can maintain its economic and political domination over the periphery nation, but is also supported by the centre in maintaining dominance over its own internal periphery”. When reflecting on Haiti’s issues, one must surely consider the elites who, through violent and dishonest means, have gained political power and oppressed the population in pursuit of their own interests, usually monetary gains, or working alongside the US government to fulfill its own interest, for example, in Haiti’s strategic geographical location.  Corrupt governments, especially the dictatorship of Francois Duvalier, remained in power for as long as they did by controlling/restricting the flow of information throughout the country, reinforcing their power and influence. Galtung maintains that these “unrepresentative elites” benefit from the “dependency syndrome”.

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This is by no means an exhaustive look into the multidimensional problems of Haiti.